Ari Hoffman is the vice president of Congregation Bikur Cholim Machzikay Hadath in Seattle and a former candidate for Seattle City Council. He has been featured on 60 Minutes with Anderson Cooper, Fox and Friends, The Dr. Drew Show and The Glen Beck Program.
I knew things had gotten out of control when my child’s photo appeared on the far-right online forum, 8Chan, with the word “kikelet” used to describe him. What followed was a stream of disturbing comments and suggestions on how to murder my family. There was a confession from the alleged originator of this post stating that he was a “leftist” trying to rile up the neo-Nazis against me. Anti-Semitism had arrived literally at my front door in the form a business card from the Seattle Police Department asking me to call them when they could not locate me.
My entry into the realm of public exposure was not by design. I am a board member of a Jewish cemetery. In April 2017, I received a call from the cemetery’s groundskeeper. People were camping out in the parking lots and there appeared to be a presence of drug abusers and prostitutes. This privately owned, sacred site had been brought into a cycle of vandalism. Every morning the grounds staff were forced to dispose of used needles, human feces, trash and condoms that were strewn about—including on the graves themselves.
Parked RVs used the cemetery’s utilities and dumped human waste on the property. Our groundskeeper was assaulted after he confronted the campers. Overdose victims were found near death on the grounds. Our understaffed SPD had their hands tied on enforcement by the Seattle City Council and were not able to respond appropriately.
I contacted Debora Juarez (D), Seattle City Council member who represents the district where the cemetery is located. At the scheduled meeting with dozens of members of the Jewish community and the media waiting, councilmember Juarez never showed. I then reached out to council president Bruce Harrell (D). He initially refused to meet with us. I started an email and phone campaign until he relented and agreed to a meeting. The exchange was unproductive.
Local media and safety groups were helpful advocates in bringing an awareness to the issue affecting our cemeteries. It was through their efforts that this story drew national and international attention.
The “campers” moved on to avoid the moment’s spotlight but returned when the media hype waned. I reached out to the local papers for coverage, including Jewish in Seattle magazine. They all passed.
Every Memorial Day, the Jewish War Veterans together with families from local synagogues place flags at the graves of fallen soldiers. There was now a safety concern. I sought the help of former members of the Israel Defense Forces to volunteer as security during this event. The Jewish Federation of Greater Seattle informed the Seattle Police Department (SPD) that they didn’t feel I was taking the right approach. Though they didn’t think it was likely that I or someone else with my group would shoot a trespasser, they felt it irresponsible to not share my “plans” with the police. They even told the SPD that I was “planning on shooting homeless people in the cemeteries.”
The incidents surrounding the cemetery and the homelessness crisis in the city directly conflicts with the promoted narrative of “progressive” politicians. They argue that this is all a result of housing affordability. Their solution has been to stop the enforcement of laws and allow public “camping” and open drug usage.
For vocalizing a different view on this subject, I began to receive online threats and harassing calls. My family cancelled our landline after receiving messages telling us to “pave over the cemeteries” and make them into homeless encampments.
I decided that I would run for a city council seat in attempt to bring changes. I quickly became a point of fascination to a local left-wing blogger, a vocal supporter of antifa who has voiced support of terrorists in Israel. He encouraged theft of my candidacy’s yard signs, created videos claiming I was anti-Muslim and organized boycotts of businesses that donated to my campaign.
Social media groups became havens for antisemitic comments. The vicious protest campaign caught the attention of antifa activists. They targeted my political campaign and personal life. In June, I received a note from SPD asking me to contact them. Targeted threats were made against my family. These were started by one claiming to be a “neighbor” and had been posted on 8chan, an online portal known for usage amongst hate groups.
The American Jewish Committee (AJC) reached out to the mayor’s office asking for an immediate public condemnation on the targeted antisemitic threats toward my family. No condemnations followed from the mayor or any elected city officials until eight days later, when the mayor released a private statement addressed to the AJC director with condemnations on anti-Semitism.
AJC asked the mayor’s office if they would directly release the statement to the public. They refused.
In October, a yard sign for an African American candidate was defaced with a racial slur. The mayor and council members all immediately and separately issued condemnation statements.
The Stranger, a local left-wing news publication, thought it amusing to mock the death threats against me by naming “Ari Hoffman’s Neighbor” a member of their endorsement staff. King County Young Democrats, for the first time in their history issued a “Do not vote for under any circumstances” against me. I was never invited to participate in any of their candidate forums and told my representatives I was not allowed to participate.
I have been called a racist, a fascist, a white supremacist, a Nazi, and strangest of all, an anti-Semite by those who label themselves liberals or progressives.
In August, antisemitic flyers were posted on four synagogues, including mine. In October, there were a series of assaults by a known antifa activist. He was arrested and charged with a hate crime. AJC stepped up, assisted the victims and had an opinion piece published in The Seattle Times. It questioned why these blatantly antisemitic acts don’t deserve the same swift condemnations or condemnations at all as other forms of discrimination rightfully do.
When I speak of my experiences, I’m said to be “weaponizing accusations of anti-Semitism”, that it can’t possibly be that bad, or that I’ve fabricated it all. A local event titled “Intersectional Dialogue on Weaponizing Charges of Anti-Semitism” was sponsored by the ACLU, NAACP and the Women’s March among others.
Seattle’s elected officials remained silent when their supporters attacked my family and my community. The silence of some Jewish organizations that are thought to be on the forefront of these issues, isn’t forgotten as well. Condemning other “isms” is one thing, but don’t ignore the anti-Semitism in the process.
Fourteen years ago, King County pledged to end homelessness within a decade. Instead the problem has grown exponentially, catapulting Seattle to one of the worst per capita rates of homelessness in the US. While the Seattle City Council blame the problem on corporate giants like Amazon, homelessness has been growing and enabled by their continued funding of non-performing agencies that are supposed to assist people in transitioning to permanent housing.
One of these non-performing agencies is the Seattle Housing and Resource Effort (SHARE). According to their website, SHARE runs 14 indoor shelters around Seattle, for which it annually receives several hundred thousand dollars from Seattle’s Human Services Department. Most of these shelters are owned by churches. Besides the shelters, SHARE operates a network of homeless camps known as “tent cities.” The group says that “up to 450 people each night find safety, shelter, dignity, and respect” in its “self-managed” shelters and camps, but it has never provided any documentation for that figure.
David Preston, a citizen journalist with the neighborhood group Safe Seattle, did an investigation of SHARE’s finances and practices in 2016. He discovered that “The group resists attempts to monitor its numbers or performance as an ‘invasion of privacy.’” The group has even gone so far as to use a fraudulent, unlicensed accountant for years.
SHARE views homelessness as a valid lifestyle—a lifestyle of choice—and while it does get a number of people off the street temporarily, it makes no claim of getting them into jobs, permanent housing, or addiction treatment programs. “We are not a social service organization,” they declare. “We are a self-help group.” Preston discovered during his investigation, “If you visit a SHARE tent camp or shelter you will meet people who have been homeless for years. As a rule, these people do not have caseworkers, and many/most have no definite plan for transitioning into an apartment. When they leave one tent camp or shelter, they simply find another. Or they go back to the streets. Or they move to another state.”
Since Preston’s investigation in 2016, SHARE’s failures have become more visible. One of SHARE’s most public failures was the Licton Springs Tiny Home Village in North Seattle. This village opened in 2017 and used what is called the “low barrier” to entrance model. This means that residents can enter without identification and continue using drugs and alcohol. It also means criminals with outstanding warrants, drug addicts and alcoholics can continue their behavior in shelter services provided by the city with no expectation for treatment or prosecution.
According to the Seattle Times, calls for police service on the block where Licton Springs sits spiked 62 percent in a year. The Times story continues that only 17 people from Licton Springs Village got into housing, that was lower than other city-sanctioned tent camps of a similar size, which got an average 30 people per tent city into housing in 2017. Police reports in the area went up 103 percent in the year Licton Springs opened.
A community meeting was held in March of 2018 to discuss the renewal of the Licton Springs Encampment operating permit. Neighbors showed up to voice their concerns and tell stories of being victimized since the encampment opened. The meeting was all for show because that same day the city had already renewed the permit before the meeting was even held.
Some of these neighbors filed public disclosure requests for crime data regarding the encampment. The data for the block of Licton Springs had been removed and was not available on public websites. They were told:
Three weeks ago, there was a deadly shooting in downtown Seattle. The tragedy was not shocking to residents because it took place in a section of Seattle that has been a major drug and crime corridor for years. The Mayor, City Council, Police Chief all reiterated how safe our city was, especially in comparison with other cities, but this is very hard for citizens who see deadly headlines of assaults by prolific offenders and open air drug use to accept. Local journalist Brandi Kruse of Q13’s The Divide was curious about these claims by officials and went to check the numbers. She discovered that the crime dashboard for the SPD has been down for the past 9 months. For all the claims of crime being down by our public officials, there is no way to see it for ourselves.
Compstat, Patternizr, and other systems are used by cities and police departments around the country in crime tracking and prevention. Why is it that in Seattle, one of the tech capitals of the country, the data is so hard to come by? Could it be that elected officials do not want to acknowledge the rising crime citizens can see with our own eyes? Is it possible that these same officials do not want to look at the correlation between the people living on the streets suffering from mental illness, the open air drug use, and a rise in crime?
Now the Seattle City Council wants to expand the eight sanctioned villages/ encampments to 40. According to council member Dan Strauss in a quote to the Seattle Times, “If all 40 [encampments] were built to the maximum capacity, we would be able to bring everyone inside.”
Unfortunately, Strauss’ math doesn’t add up. If there are 11,199 people “experiencing homelessness” in Seattle, 5,700 of whom are “unsheltered”, and each camp/village hosts an average of 43 people, you would either need to create camps that could hold 140 people each or have a lot more encampments than 40. Why is the council so determined to double down on this failed policy rather than offering drug and mental health treatment and enforcing the law?
SHARE is a non profit and receives donations of food and clothing from the public. Tiny homes are donated by Seattle companies like Amazon and built by volunteers. So where is the money allocated to SHARE by the City of Seattle going?
Also discovered by Preston’s research, “SHARE shelter residents get ‘participation credits’ for attending political demonstrations and rallies. Each resident must earn a number of these credits each week. Otherwise, they face immediate eviction. Other options for earning the credits include doing trash pick-up, guard duty at camp, and other menial tasks. Compared to doing hours of trash pick up or standing sentry at 2 AM, sitting through a meeting at City Hall must look good. Using the participation credit system, Morrow(SHARE director) can virtually guarantee a good turnout at rallies. Or protests.”
Typically, these residents make appearances on behalf of extreme policy proposals by Marxist City Council Member Ksahama Sawant. Sawant has made taxing corporations like Amazon a focal point of her policies, constantly blaming them for the squalor on Seattle’s streets but never attributing the cause to the drug or mental health problems or the crime that always accompanies these problems. Homeless SHARE residents have become pawns of politicians.
The illusion of safe streets means that politicians get to keep their jobs come election season. As long as Seattle politicians continue to fund non-performing agencies that advocate on their behalf and suppress crime data from the public, the cycle of suffering for the people living on the streets and the surrounding homeowners and businesses will continue.
“There’s a hole in the sky where the tree once was / Somebody’s making money!” Eco-activists burst into song at Seattle City Council on Wednesday to protest trees being “murdered.”
The group called “Save Our Trees” was led by Suzanne Grant whose lead vocals were raw and powerful. Her fellow tree rights activists included one woman dressed as a tree.
“After the performance, Grant was given a verbal warning for disrupting the meeting by leading others in song. Councilmember Andrew J. Lewis, who represents District 7 from Pioneer Square to Magnolia, thanked Grant for her time and said he would follow up about the ordinance. Watch tree activists break into song at Seattle City Council meeting,” K5 News reports.
Save Our Trees claims that “With increasing development Seattle is losing its trees and tree canopy volume,” and they are demanding that Seattle pass an ordinance to protect its trees.
The Post Millennial can report that one of the assailants who destroyed a College Republicans booth and assaulted a tabler at the University of California, Santa Cruz, has been identified as 23-year-old queer activist, Martina Martin, who also uses the name Artimus Martin.
On Feb. 7, Martin and another young woman were filmed vandalizing the booth at Quarry Plaza on the UCSC campus. Martin, who uses “they” and “them” pronouns, can be seen taking the lead on the attack by trying to forcibly yank a “Trump 2020” flag from Hayden Williams, who was tabling at the booth and was scheduled as a guest speaker later that day.
“This is a flag of white supremacy,” Martin says in the video, which has since gone viral after being uploaded this week. As the two tussle over the flag, chairs and items are knocked over before Martin shoves Williams to the ground. Martin then tears down the booth’s banner and spits on the Betsy Ross flag before fleeing from the scene with the accomplice, who had torn up a sign.
The video does not show what happened before the vandalism began but Dylan Temple, president of College Republicans at UCSC, says the incident started when Martin tried to steal a flag. He says the incident was immediately reported to campus police.
On Wednesday, Martin took to social media to claim credit for the vandalism. Responding to Williams on Twitter, Martin wrote: “I had three dudes on me at once and nobody could stop me lol.”
Martin’s social media history shows a long commitment to radical left-wing views, including attending anti-Trump protests. It is unclear if Martin is currently an active student at UCSC. A GoFundMe created in March 2019 by Martin says they are “taking a leave of absence” from the university.
Both Temple and Williams were unaware of Martin’s identity, but have signalled that they intend to press charges for assault and destruction of property.
Temple says the UCSC administration has not been supportive and has made no effort to reach out to him or the College Republicans chapter following the attack.
The incident at UCSC comes at a time of increased reports of politically-motivated attacks against Conservatives. Last Saturday, a man in Jacksonville, Fla. used a van to plow into a GOP tent where voters were being registered. Earlier the same day, another man in Eureka, Cal. smashed the windows of a local GOP office before dumping a flammable chemical inside. Then this week, a New Hampshire man allegedly assaulted a 15-year-old Trump supporter and two adults at a polling site.
Last year, Hayden Williams, who was assaulted by Martin in the video, gained national notoriety after he was sucker-punched by left-wing protester Zachary Greenberg while tabling with Turning Point, USA at the UC Berkeley campus. Greenberg has been charged with multiple felonies for assault and battery. He pleaded not guilty and faces trial later this year.
UCSC and campus police have been reached for comment.
A Windham, New Hampshire man named Patrick Bradley has been charged with several counts of assault and disorderly conduct after he attacked three people, including a minor, for supporting President Donald Trump. An investigation by The Post Millennial reveals that Bradley is an avowed supporter of the far-left antifa movement.
After casting his vote in the Democratic primary at Windham High School, the 34-year-old walked by a Trump for President campaign tent and proceeded to assault Trump campaigners. Police say he “slapped a 15-year-old juvenile across the face.” When two adults attempted to protect the boy, Bradley allegedly assaulted them too. Police stated that Bradley is also accused of destroying Trump campaign signs and attempting to knock down the tent.
The Post Millennial can reveal that Bradley, whose presence on Facebook remains online and unredacted by the platform, was a member of the antifa movement through the far-left punk scene.
On Facebook, Bradley shared numerous posts communicating his support for antifa over the past year, including a post by the trans activist and leftist webcomic “Assigned Male,” which carries the text: “The government won’t tell you that they are fascists, but they will tell you anti-fascists are their enemies.”
Bradley also shared a leftist meme posted by the Socialist Rifle Association of Seattle mocking critics of communism and Joseph Stalin.
On a post dated to February 8, 2019, Bradley also criticized antifa’s critics: “Somebody said antifa was a terrorist group because of their protests at Berkeley where they set things on fire. So what does that make sports fans?”
On January 19, 2019, Bradley posted a meme insinuating that the Covington Catholic school kids were the same as white supremacists in 1963 who opposed interracial friendships and racial equality for African Americans. The Covington kids were falsely accused of racism and harassing a Native American activist by members of the press. CNN has since settled a multi-million dollar lawsuit with the kids for defamation.
As noted by Andy Ngo, Bradley is also a fan of the Portland-based band Rum Rebellion, members of which have ties to the Antifa movement in Oregon. One of its members was arrested at an Antifa riot and was also present at the scene where antifa activist Sean Kealiher was killed.
In addition to his associations with antifa, The Post Millennial has discovered that Bradley has an extensive history of arrests and violence including drug possession and assaulting a police officer.
Bradley is not the only leftist activist to commit a politically-motivated attack against Trump supporters. Earlier this week, 27-year-old Gregory Timm of Jacksonville, Florida, drove through a Trump for President campaign tent. Timm recorded the attack on video, but lamented to arresting police deputies that he was upset the video ended “before the good part.”